LANGUAGE POLICY IN THE PRIMARY SCHOOLS OF
THE WESTERN CAPE
November 2002
Dié dokument is ook in Afrikaans beskikbaar:  Taalbeleid vir primêre skole in die Wes-kaap

CONTENTS

1.  Abbreviations, Definitions and Explanations   2.  Executive Summary   3.  Preamble   4.  Introduction   5.  Findings: Research Tasks 1 to 6   6.  Recommendations   7.  Conclusion   8.  Recommended Implementation Plan   9.  Proposed Introduction of a Third Language 10.  Addenda: Research Reports | Acknowledgements | Task Team Members | Advisory Committee Members (This document has been adapted for delivery via the Internet.  Last updated 12 December, 2002)

It has long been recognised that the concepts of language ownership and language usage are deeply personal, and reach to the very core of the psyche of individuals, communities and even nations. By extension, the issues of language rights and language policy have long displayed the potential to be highly emotive, divisive and prone to ideological and political contestation. South Africa, because of its cultural and language diversity, is a veritable open book in this regard, and its most recent history provides a living case study.

The above realities bestow a special significance on the current language policy initiative in the Western Cape, and it is important that the source from which the initiative draws its inspiration and sustenance is known. There are four basic sources from which the need for and the importance of MTE derive. Firstly, there is the ecology of languages paradigm, in terms of which the loss of any language is seen as reducing cultural and linguistic diversity in the world. All languages are seen as depositories of knowledge and, therefore, worthy of protection against the danger of extinction. Secondly, the human rights paradigm, in terms of which linguistic rights are defined as human rights, and which upholds the right of all human beings to use the language of their choice in order to conduct their essential daily transactions. A third source derives from the relationship between language and identity, acknowledging language as a bearer of culture and tradition, and affirming that the individual’s identity, self-image, self-esteem, self confidence and general sense of independence are all closely interwoven with "the language of the heart", which is normally the mother-tongue. Lastly, there is the psycholinguistic and pedagogical domain in which the ways children learn are inscribed. Research throughout the world demonstrates clearly that children and other learners generally do best in their mother-tongue(s), since this is usually the language they know best.

Although the present plan to introduce a mother-tongue (MT) based language dispensation for all primary schools in the province may appear to be political in origin, its motivation and frame of reference are largely apolitical and non-sectarian. The initiative accords with recent research at national level^{1 2}, and the findings of this research³, that a majority of parents and communities, across language divides, support such a policy. Far from indicating a top-down approach to policy-formulation, the call, in fact, gives expression to the sentiments of a majority segment of parent and community groupings.

One of the key objectives of the plan is the promotion and development of the 3 official languages spoken in the province, namely Afrikaans, English and Xhosa, on an equitable basis. Such an approach is in harmony with the requirements of the SA Constitution, and national and provincial policy on language issues. It recognises the current dominance of English in the school sector and broader society, and the diminishing status of Afrikaans and Xhosa respectively. It seeks to address this phenomenon by affirming each language within the context of promoting multi-lingualism.

There is always tension between new language policy initiatives and the constitutional or legal rights of parents (on behalf of learners) and School Governing Bodies. These rights, namely, to choose a language of learning and to determine a school’s language policy respectively, are worthy of protection, but are not unfettered. They are subject to overriding legislation at provincial and national level. It is worth noting, furthermore, that the proposed model of mother-tongue based bilingual education is an additive model which easily accommodates rather than denies these rights. In cases where MT is not the language of learning and teaching it is promoted and developed as a subject throughout the primary school phase.

Community sensitivities around the term ‘mother-tongue education’ are very real and are based upon past negative experience. It is of cardinal importance that the concept be understood and promoted in terms of its educational legitimacy and known benefits. This research points to proven educational gains for learners, verified nationally, elsewhere on the African continent⁴, and internationally in the Americas, Europe and Asia⁵. Indeed, a MT as the language of learning and teaching in the formative stage of the learners’ growth is crucial for cognitive development, and a later transfer of skills needed in the acquisition of a second and even third language.

Many parents and communities are concerned about access to higher education, or employment opportunities, or general socio-economic advancement, and regard knowledge of a high-status language, for example English, as crucial for achieving these aspirations. These goals are entirely legitimate and understandable, but need not be pursued at the expense of the primary language, especially where a bilingual environment prevails. Moreover, research points to a belief that the introduction of a third language in the schools has the potential to promote cross-cultural tolerance and nation-building⁶. These goals are explicit, and cohere strongly with national educational and language policy goals⁷. They also counter all suspicions of the suppression of peoples, and the marginalisation of African languages as experienced in the recent past.

There are questions about whether the present is an appropriate time for launching a new language policy initiative. The uncertainty, no doubt, rests upon the massive disparities in resource availability and distribution among schools; the lack of readiness of educators and other constituents in the school system; the need for support and commitment from a variety of crucial roleplayers such as writers, publishers and distributors of learning support materials, and service providers of education development programmes. These problems are not of such a nature that practical solutions cannot be devised and implemented. The essence of the problem is reduced to cost.

Counterbalancing the obstacles described above is the array of transformatory initiatives already underway, for example, the national Language in Education Implementation Plan, the Revised National Curriculum Statement, and OBE. It is of cardinal importance that any new language policy plan in the province is synchronised with, and integrated into these projects. Failure to seize the moment raises an alternative question: What is the cost, in calculable and incalculable terms, of not implementing a new language policy strategy in the short term, say by 2005, in tandem with the above? ⁸

It is strongly recommended that an educative and persuasive approach be made to all stakeholders, rather than reliance on a coercive strategy, to secure support for the proposed MT-based bilingual education and the introduction of a third language in all primary schools. In order to validate this approach any new legislation should be formulated to create an enabling system rather than an imposed order.
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Context and Background Information

Context

There are two critical issues, pertinent to the brief, that are noted here:

1. There is an indisputable trend in Western Cape schools revealing that English is gaining ground over Afrikaans and Xhosa at an increasing pace. Several factors account for this, the most apparent being the language shift ⁹ in several communities in the Western Cape. The shift has been on the level of both language attitudes and language use, and is directly attributable to the increasing dominance of English in public life.

One consequence of the shift to English is that mounting numbers of schools are offering an English-medium education, at the expense of Xhosa particularly and increasingly of Afrikaans as well. There is a marked exodus of Xhosa-speaking learners from ex-DET schools to ex-CED and ex-HOR schools. Many of the receiving schools were previously Afrikaans-medium. There is a similar movement from ex-HOR to ex-CED schools. Learners, parents and communities exert pressure on schools to provide for English as LoLT, assigning it a higher status than Afrikaans or Xhosa.

The rationale for a move to English on the part of schools is not always educational. It often represents an overt strategy for survival, especially in the face of declining enrolments, or changes in the composition of the learner population, brought about by demographic shifts or the exercise of parental preferences. The struggle to retain staff complements is particularly intense in working class school communities that cannot afford to employ additional educators from governing body funds.
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2. The educational and social advantages of bilingual education are not always fully understood and exploited. For example, dual-medium education is generally viewed by schools as a default option, rather than a preferred option. Dual-medium education often co-exists with parallel-medium schooling in situations where there are insufficient numbers of learners to justify separate, parallel streams, such as in the ‘choice subjects’. It is managed as a transitional arrangement, as illustrated by many formerly Afrikaans-medium schools that pass through a phase of dual-medium education in the change-over to English-medium status.

The application of dual medium-education is uneven and is largely determined by the historical and socio-economic context of the respective schools. Schools that are under-resourced apply dual-medium teaching in a manner that reinforces the ideology that English proficiency is the gateway to upward social mobility and a successful life.

In contrast to this, the well resourced schools can afford to make and implement decisions that are based on educationally sound principles, namely, to have dual-medium classes that are facilitated by highly trained teachers with well resourced classrooms. These schools demonstrate the advantages of learners acquiring high levels of bilingualism in an environment that fosters tolerance and acceptance of linguistic and cultural diversity.

This study, undertaken by the TT, has shown that the practice of fostering English in ex-DET schools continues. The primary language or mother-tongue is used up to Grade 3, and from Grade 4 upwards the LoLT becomes English, coupled with Xhosa on an unofficial (oral) basis. The system, which does not fall into the category of dual-medium or parallel-medium education, has very marked pedagogical disadvantages that are reflected in high drop-out and failure rates. The origins of the system, and motivations for its retention, are well-understood and acknowledged. Therefore, recommendations for change of a systemic nature have to be carefully thought through and applied with great flexibility. Local context, including the poor training of educators, overcrowded classrooms and a lack of language learning materials must be taken into consideration.

The study also shows a severe form of primary-language deprivation experienced by Xhosa-speaking learners in ex-HoR and ex-CED schools. Many of these schools do not offer Xhosa as a subject, let alone as a LoLT. Alternatively, non-Xhosa speaking learners are either not exposed to the language in any structured sense, or receive tuition at third language level or even as an extra-mural study.

The two features described above are illustrative of the Western Cape’s contextual reality. They must be seen against the national constitutional and legal contexts that seek to affirm each of the eleven official languages on a basis of equality, and to promote multilingualism. The apparent lack of congruence provides a backdrop to the proposed intervention of the MEC for Education.
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Background Information

In February 2002 the Western Cape Education Minister made public his request to the provincial Department of Education to establish a Ministerial Task Team to develop a strategy for implementing home language instruction during the first 7 years of schooling in the province. This request was grounded in the belief that the intended strategy, if implemented, will go a long way towards ensuring effective education, bearing in mind the role of mother-tongue education (MTE) in the cognitive development of primary school children.

The provincial strategy is intended to support the Language in Education Policy (LiEP) and subsequent LiEP Implementation Plan (2001) of the national Department of Education with its roll-out period of 5 years. This is of particular significance since research shows that LiEP is not widely known in the schools, and is in need of some impetus from the provincial education department to ensure its widespread implementation. A new provincial strategy is also intended to strengthen existing language policy objectives in the province.

The Minister also announced the appointment of a Task Team, and an Advisory Committee, to give effect to these wishes. Their composition, roles and responsibilities are set out elsewhere in this report. (see Acknowledgements and Appendix A and B).
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The brief issued to the Task Team is set out below.

Brief

The research project was governed by 2 primary objectives, the first of which was:

• To develop a document summarising the research findings on the language of learning and teaching (LoLT) in schools, with particular reference to the contexts in which the research was conducted.

This aspect of the project did not require new research to be undertaken.

The second objective was bi-focal, the elements of which were:

• To develop a strategy and plan for implementing home language (mother-tongue) instruction in Grades 1 to 7 in all primary schools in the Western Cape, and

• To develop a strategy for the introduction of a third language in primary schools in the Western Cape.

This aspect of the brief called for an investigation into the human, financial and other resources required to introduce MT education and a third language over the next 5 to 10 years, and could be based upon new research or existing research findings.

Because of the location of the project within a particular historical and geographical context, the Task Team, in interpreting the brief, understood that a particular emphasis upon Xhosa was called for in the second objective. This inference is logical if cognisance is taken of the prevailing ready access to mother-tongue instruction already enjoyed by learners whose home language is Afrikaans or English. However, because of the enduring sentiments and sensitivities around language education generally, and mother-tongue education in particular, the TT advanced the concept of ‘mother-tongue based bilingual education’ as a more acceptable model.
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The elaborated brief was then used to develop the following operational plan.

Modus Operandi

A set of research questions or tasks was generated to ensure comprehensive coverage of the brief. These are detailed below.

Each of the research activities was assigned to a Task Team member, who devised a Task Plan that fed into an overall, integrated Work Plan. The investigative work, emanating from the Work Plan, was conducted by individual researchers or research agencies under contract, and monitored and co-ordinated by the TT member. In some cases, TT members were actively engaged in aspects of the research activity.

Responsibility for the formulation of the initial Work Plan and the subsequent Draft and Final Reports was vested in the Task Team collectively. Progress reports were tabled, and comments invited, at periodic joint meetings with the Advisory Committee. Provision was also made for AC members to submit written comments and recommendations.
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Research Tasks:

Six (6) research tasks were developed to cover the full scope of the brief. Researchers were required to:

Research Design

The nature of the project demanded that both qualitative and quantitative techniques be employed.

Qualitative methods included a comprehensive survey of relevant literature; interviews with key individuals or groups; site visits and inspections for data gathering and verification; and community meetings.

The quantitative methods employed included an analysis of data sourced from Departmental EMIS records, augmented by commissioned questionnaires embracing both quantitative and narrative questions.

Time

A period of 6 months was allotted to this project, with 1 April 2002 being assigned as the launch date and 30 September 2002 as the date for submission of the Final Report. The latter date was subsequently extended to 30 November 2002.
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¹ PanSALB (2001)   Language Use and Language Interaction in South Africa. A National Sociolinguistic Survey. Summary Report.
² (PanSALB Occasional Papers No 1).  Pretoria: PanSALB
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³ See MSSA Report on Language Attitudes (Research Report Vb)
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⁴ Bamgbose, A. (2000)  Language and Exclusion. The Consequences of Language Policies in Africa. Hamburg: LIT Verlag. (pp48-53)
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⁵ Rao K.  Mother Tongue Education: Theory and Practice. Mysore: Central Institute of Indian Languages.
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⁶ Trim, J. et al (2001)  Common European Framework of Reference for Languages: Learning, Teaching, Assessment. Guide for Users. Strasburg: Council of Europe.
   King, M. and van den Berg, O. (1992)  One Nation, Many Languages. What Policy for Schools? Pietermaritzburg: Centaur Publications (Pty) Ltd.
   See also SBA Qualitative Report: Research Report V (pp 16-18)
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⁷ See DoE (Webpage): Language in Education Policy 14 July 1997.
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⁸ Two recent public announcements, made at the time of finalising this Report, have immense significance, and lend considerable weight to the current language initiative of the provincial Ministry of Education.
   Firstly, the national Minister of Education announced Cabinet approval for a new language policy for higher education (see Cape Argus 7/11/02). Some of the key features of this policy are: furthering the academic status of indigenous African languages, and encouraging HEI's to promote multilingualism on campuses. The policy acknowledges the current status of Afrikaans and English as languages of instruction, and further acknowledges that much time is required for the development of the African languages to a level befitting academic tuition and research. In the meantime, all HEI's will be required to develop language policies in keeping with the new policy framework. (see Recommendation 3.1 in this Report).
   Secondly, as reported earlier in the month, the City of Cape Town adopted a new language policy that will lead to all three provincial official languages receiving equal treatment. The policy, when implemented, will promote multilingualism and will make provision for the use of Sign Language, where necessary. (see Rec. 2.3).
   These initiatives have the potential to take the use of Xhosa into high-level public domains locally, thereby helping to create an extra-mural environment that is conducive to mother-tongue maintenance and development. Importantly, they confirm the validity and timeliness of the proposed language policy for provincial primary schools.
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⁹ See Braam, Broeder, Extra, Mati, Plueddemann, Wababa: 2001  Language Attitudes and Policy Implementation: Findings from a Primary School Language Survey.
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